ការ ឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំង អំពី កម្ពុជា៖ បច្ចុប្បន្ន កាល និង អនាគត កាល

https://vodhotnews.com/2018/08/10/reflections-on-cambodia-present-and-future/
ធ្មេច បើកៗ កន្លង ទៅ អស់ រយៈ ពេល ២៥ឆ្នាំ មក ហើយ តាំង ពី ពេល ដែលប្រទេស កម្ពុជា ស្គាល់ ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត សេរី តាម បែប ផែន ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ សេរីពហុ បក្ស ដំបូង បំផុត ក្នុង ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ របស់ ខ្លួន ដែល រៀបចំ ដោយ អង្គការ សហប្រជា ជាតិ នៅ ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣ ក្រោម ឆ័ត្រ នៃ សន្តិភាព ថ្មី ថ្មោង ដែល នាំ មក ជូន ដោយកិច្ច ព្រម ព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទី ក្រុង ប៉ារីសឆ្នាំ ១៩៩១។

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ជួបកម្មករកម្មការនីជិត ២ម៉ឺននាក់នៅខេត្តកំពង់ស្ពឺ ព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី ០៨ សីហា ២០១៨ (រូបភាព៖ FN)

អំណឹះត ទៅ នេះ គឺជា ទស្សនៈ ផ្ទាល់ ខ្លួន របស់ ខ្ញុំ តែ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ហើយ មិន តំណាង ឱ្យ ទស្សនៈ របស់ បុគ្គល ណាម្នាក់ ក្រុម អង្គការ ឬ ស្ថាប័ន ណាមួយ ឡើយ។

មាតុ ភូមិ កម្ពុជា ត្រូវ បាន បំផ្លិច បំផ្លាញ ដោយ ជម្លោះ ផ្ទៃ ក្នុង និង អំពើ ឃោរឃៅជា ច្រើន ទសវត្សរ៍ មក ហើយ ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា បាន រង គ្រោះ ច្រើន ណាស់ ដោយ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ ប្រមាណ ពីរ លាន នាក់ បាន ស្លាប់ នៅ ចុង ទសវត្សរ៍ ឆ្នាំ ១៩៧០ និង ការបំផ្លិច បំផ្លាញ រចនា សម្ព័ន្ធ សង្គម ក្នុង អំឡុង ពេល នៃ ការភ័យ ខ្លាច ដែល បាន បង្ក ឡើង ដោយ ពួក ខ្មែរ ក្រហម។ ចាប់ តាំង ពី ពេល នោះ មក ភាពក្រីក្រ នៅ តែ បន្ត កើត មាន អំពើ ពុករលួយ ដ៏ រ៉ាំរ៉ៃ ភាពអ យុត្តិធម៌ ជាប្រព័ន្ធ និង ការ រំលោភ សិទ្ធិ មនុស្ស បាន បង្ក បរិយាកាសភ័យ ខ្លាច និង ក្ដី អស់ សង្ឃឹម។

ការ ចុះ ហត្ថ លេខា លើកិច្ច ព្រម ព្រៀង សន្តិភាព ទី ក្រុង ប៉ារីស (PPA) នៅ ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩១ បាន កត់ សម្គាល់ ពីការ បញ្ចប់ និង ការ ចាប់ ផ្តើម ថ្មី៖ ការ បញ្ចប់ សង្គ្រាម ស៊ី វិល និង សង្គ្រាម ត្រ ជាក់ រវាង មហា ប្រទេស ដែល យក កម្ពុជា ជាទី សមរ ភូមិ និង

“វាលពិឃាត” ការ ចាប់ ផ្តើម នៃ ការផ្សះផ្សា ជាតិ ការ កសាង សន្តិភាព និង ការអភិវឌ្ឍ។ អ្វី ដែល សំខាន់ បំផុត នោះ គឺកិច្ច ព្រម ព្រៀង សន្តិភាព ទី ក្រុង ប៉ារីស បាន ពាំ នាំ យក លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ មក កាន់ ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា ហើយ បាន បើក ឱ្យ មាន ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត ជាតិ ជា លើក ដំបូង ក្រោយ ការប៉ះទង្គិច គ្នា ដែល ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត នោះ ធ្វើ ឡើង នៅ ខែ ឧសភា ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣។

យ៉ាង ណា ក៏ ដោយ ទោះ បីជារណសិរ្សបង្រួបបង្រួម ជាតិ ដើម្បី ឯករាជ្យ អព្យាក្រឹត សន្តិភាព និង សហ ប្រតិបត្តិ ការ កម្ពុជា (គណ បក្ស រាជា និយម ហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច) ដែល ដឹក នាំ ដោយ ព្រះ អង្គម្ចាស់ នរោត្តម រណឫទ្ធិ បាន ឈ្នះ ឆ្នោត ជា ផ្លូវ ការក្តី ក៏ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន និង គណ បក្ស ប្រជាជន កម្ពុជា ដែល បាន គ្រប់ គ្រង ប្រទេស នៅ ទសវត្សរ៍ ឆ្នាំ ១៩៨០ បាន បដិសេធ មិន ព្រម ប្រគល់ អំណាច ឱ្យ ដែរ។ ការរៀប ចំការ បែង ចែក អំណាច ត្រូវ បាន រៀបចំ ជា បន្ត បន្ទាប់ ដោយ មាន មេ ដឹក នាំ ពីរ រូបជាសហ នាយក រដ្ឋ មន្ត្រី។

ការបោះឆ្នោតជ្រើសតាំងតំណាងរាស្ត្រនីតិកាលទី ៦ ថ្ងៃទី ២៩ កក្កដា ២០១៨ មណ្ឌលសាលាគរុកោសល្យ ក្រុងតាខ្មៅ ខេត្តកណ្ដាល

កាលពីចុងខែកក្កដា ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា បាន ទៅ បោះ ឆ្នោត ជា លើក ទី៦ ចាប់ តាំងពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣មក។ ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា នៅ តែ មាន សន្តិភាព ហើយ មាន ខឿន សេដ្ឋកិច្ច រឹងមាំ និង ថេរជា មួយ កំណើន ផលិត ផល ក្នុង ស្រុក សរុប ចេះ តែ បន្ត លូត ឡើងនៅ ក្នុង រយៈ ពេល ពីរ ទសវត្សរ៍ ចុង ក្រោយ នេះ ដែល មាន អត្រា ជាមធ្យម ប្រចាំ ឆ្នាំ លើស ពី ៧% និង ស្ថិត ក្នុង ចំណោម បណ្ដា ប្រទេស ដែល សេដ្ឋកិច្ច មាន កំណើន លឿន បំផុត នៅ ក្នុង ពិភព លោក។ ទោះ ជា យ៉ាង ណា ក៏ ដោយ ប្រទេស នេះ បរា ជ័យ ក្នុង ការ ផ្តល់ អត្ថ ប្រយោជន៍ ជាក់ ស្តែង ដល់ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ សាមញ្ញ ជា ច្រើន។ វិសមភាព សេដ្ឋកិច្ច ដែល រីក រាលដាល នៅ តែ កើត មាន ឡើង នៅ ទូ ទាំង ប្រទេស។ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា ជា ច្រើន នៅ តែតស៊ូពុះពារ ដើម្បី អាហារ ទី ជម្រក សុខភាព ការ អប់រំ និង សិទ្ធិ សេរីភាព។

គេ ក៏ ឃើញ ប្រទេស នេះ មាន ការ កើន ឡើង នូវ ការ បំភិតបំភ័យ និង ការ ចាប់ ខ្លួន ដោយ បំពាន ដែល ត្រូវ បាន សម្រប សម្រួល ដោយ ប្រព័ន្ធ តុលា ការ ដែល ឯករាជភាព ផ្នែក នយោបាយ នៅ តែស្ថិតជាចម្ងល់ និង អង្គការ នីតិប្បញ្ញត្តិ ដែល ជា ស្ថាប័ន ប្រថាប់ត្រា។ លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ នៅ កម្ពុជា មាន តែសម្បក ក្រៅ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។

ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត ថ្នាក់ ជាតិ លើក ទី៥ នៅ ឆ្នាំ ២០១៣ និង ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត ឃុំ -សង្កាត់ នៅ ឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ មាន ការ កើន សំឡេង យ៉ាង ខ្លាំង ពី សំណាក់ គណ បក្ស សង្គ្រោះ ជាតិ ដែល ជាគណ បក្ស ប្រឆាំង ធំ ជាង គេ (CNRP) ។ ទោះយ៉ាង ណាក្ដី រហូត មក ដល់ ពេល នេះ គណ បក្ស ប្រជាជន កម្ពុជា របស់ លោក នាយក រដ្ឋ មន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន នៅ តែ ទទួល បាន អំណាច ផ្តាច់ មុខ ប៉ុន្តែ នេះ កត់ សម្គាល់ ឱ្យ ឃើញ ពី ចំណុច របត់ មួយ។

មេ ដឹក នាំ គណ បក្ស សង្គ្រោះ ជាតិ លោក កឹម សុខា ត្រូវ បាន ចាប់ ដាក់ ពន្ធនាគារ ហើយ សមាជិក ជាន់ ខ្ពស់ គណ បក្ស ចំនួន ១១៨រូប ត្រូវ បាន ហាមឃាត់ មិន ឱ្យ ចូល រួម ក្នុង សកម្មភាព នយោបាយ រយៈ ពេល ប្រាំឆ្នាំ ខណៈ រចនា សម្ព័ន្ធ គណ បក្ស ទាំង មូល ត្រូវ បាន តុលា ការ កំពូល របស់ ប្រទេស នេះ សម្រេច រម្លាយ ចោល។ ស្រប ពេល ជា មួយ គ្នា នេះដែរ ស្ថាប័ន

សារ ព័ត៌មាន ដែល មាន ឯករាជភាព ផ្នែក នយោបាយ និង បណ្ដា អង្គការ សង្គម ស៊ី វិល ដែល សកម្ម ការពារ សិទ្ធិ មនុស្ស បាន រងការ វាយ ប្រហារ។

ការ វាយ ប្រហារ ទាំង នេះ កត់ សម្គាល់ ឱ្យ ឃើញ ពី “ការ ស្លាប់ លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ” ហើយ បាន “ប្រែ ក្លាយ ប្រទេស មួយ នេះ ឱ្យ ស្ថិត ក្រោម ការ ដឹក នាំ រដ្ឋ បែប ឯក បក្ស”។ នេះ បើ យោង តាម សមាជិក សភា អាស៊ាន ដើម្បី សិទិ្ធ មនុស្ស (APHR)។ ក្រោយ ពីការបំបិទមាត់ អ្នក រិះគន់ ទាំង អស់ លក្ខណៈ ជាប្រព័ន្ធ សូម្បីតែរបប ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ សេរីពហុ បក្ស ក៏ ទំនង ជាលែង មាន ទៀត ដែរ ខណៈ ប្រទេស ជាតិ បរា ជ័យ ក្នុង ការ ការពារ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ របស់ ខ្លួន ពីការ រំលោភ សិទ្ធិ មនុស្ស សំខាន់ៗ។

ជាង នេះ ទៅ ទៀត វា ច្បាស់ ណាស់ ថា អ្វី ដែល ធ្លាប់ មាន នៅ ពេល ដែល លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ នៅ កម្ពុជា បាន បាត់ បង់ ហើយ សន្តិសុខ មនុស្ស ជាតិ (Human Security) បាន និង កំពុង ស្ថិត ក្នុង ទិសដៅ ឈាន ទៅ រកការដួលរលំ។ ទោះ ជា យ៉ាង ណាក្ដី នៅ ទី បំផុត មាន តែប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ដែល អាច កំណត់ ពីលទ្ធភាព នៃ ការ រស់ នៅ បាន យូរ អង្វែង នៃ អនាគត នយោបាយ របស់ ពួក គេ ដើម្បី នាំ មក នូវ លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ពេញ លេញ សន្តិភាព យូរ អង្វែង និង វិបុលភាព សម្រាប់ ទាំង អស់ គ្នា និង កំណត់ ដៅថា “តើ កម្ពុជា យ៉ាង ដូចម្ដេច ដែល ពួក គេ ចង់ បាន ទៅ ថ្ងៃ អនាគត?”។

សព្វ ថ្ងៃ នេះ ប្រទេស ជាតិ របស់ យើង បាន ដើរ ដល់ ចំណុច របត់ មួយ ទៀត ហើយ។ អនាគត របស់ ប្រទេស ជាតិ ពឹង ផ្អែក លើភាពជឿទុក ចិត្ត នៃ ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត សាកលកាល ពី ថ្ងៃ ទី ២៩ ខែ កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៨ នេះថា សេរី និង យុត្តិធម៌ កម្រិត ណា។ ការ រស់ ឡើង វិញ នៃ លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ នៅ កម្ពុជា ត្រូវ ការ មាន កត្តា ជា ច្រើន លើស ពីការ បោះ ឆ្នោត ជ្រើសរើស តំណាង រាស្ត្រ។ វា ទាមទារ ឱ្យ មាន នីតិរដ្ឋ អភិបាល កិច្ច ល្អ សេរីភាព នៃ ការបញ្ចេញ មតិ និង ឯករាជភាព សម្រាប់ ប្រព័ន្ធ តុលា ការ ប្រព័ន្ធ ផ្សព្វ ផ្សាយ និង គ្រឹះស្ថាន សិក្សា នៃ ក្រុម បញ្ញវន្ត។

ជា មួយ នឹង ការ ចុះ ហត្ថ លេខា លើកិច្ច ព្រម ព្រៀង សន្តិភាព ទី ក្រុង ប៉ារីស និង ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣ ខ្ញុំ តែង រក្សា នូវ ក្ដីស្រមៃថា ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា ជា ប្រទេស សេរី និង ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ដោយ មាន វិបុលភាព និង សន្តិភាព ជា មួយ ពិភព លោក និង ប្រទេស ខ្លួន ផ្ទាល់។ ក្នុង រយៈ ពេល មួយ ទសវត្សរ៍ កន្លង មក នេះ ខ្ញុំ បាន បង្ខំ ចិត្ត ឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំង ឡើង វិញ នូវ ចក្ខុវិស័យ របស់ ខ្ញុំ អំពី អ្វី ដែល កំពុង កើត ឡើង នៅ ក្នុង ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា នា ពេល បច្ចុប្បន្ន នេះ។

បន្ត ទៅ ទៀត នេះ គឺជា ចំណាប់ អារម្មណ៍ របស់ ខ្ញុំ ខណៈ ដែល ប្រទេស ជាតិ មើល ទៅ ឈាន ដល់ ការពង្រីក បន្ថែម ទៀត នៃ ការគ្រប់ គ្រង របស់ លោក នាយក រដ្ឋ មន្រ្តី ហ៊ុន សែន ដែល មាន រយៈ ពេល ៣៣ឆ្នាំ មក ហើយ។

ការ ឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំង ឡើង វិញ អំពី កម្ពុជា

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា ជា ប្រទេស មួយ ដែល គ្មាន នរ ណាម្នាក់ ប្រព្រឹត្ត អំពើ ពុករលួយ ឬ ឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្ម គ្មាន ទោសពៃរ៍ ដូច ដែល វា បាន កើត មាន ឡើង ក្នុង រយៈ ពេល ៣ ទសវត្សរ៍ ចុង ក្រោយ នេះ ទេ។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា កម្ពុជា ចេះ រៀន សូត្រពីកំហុស ក្នុង ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ នយោបាយ របស់ ខ្លួន ដែល ធ្លាប់ ជា ប្រទេស ដែល ពឹង ផ្អែក ទាំង ស្រុង ទាំង ខាង នយោបាយ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច និង យោធា ទៅ លើទី ក្រុង ប៉េកាំង (ដូច ដែល ប្រទេស នេះ ធ្លាប់ បាន ធ្វើ តាំង ពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៧៥-១៩៧៩) ។ មិន ត្រូវ ឱ្យ អតីត កាល កើត ឡើង ដ ដែលៗ ឡើយ។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា ប្រទេស មួយ ដែលមាន ការឆ្មក់ ចាប់ ទាំង កណ្តាល អាធ្រាត្រ ដោយ គ្មាន ដីកា ឬ នីតិ វិធី ច្បាប់ ទៅ លើមេ ដឹក នាំ គណ បក្ស សង្គ្រោះ ជាតិ គឺ លោក កឹម សុខា ដែល គិត ស្មាន មិន ដល់ ដូច្នេះឡើយ ។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា កម្ពុជា ជា ប្រទេស មួយ ដែល ស្តាប់ សំឡេង ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ ជាង ៣លាន នាក់ ដែល បាន បោះ ឆ្នោត ឱ្យ គណ បក្ស

សង្គ្រោះ ជាតិ ជំនួស ឱ្យ ការបំបិទមាត់ ពួក គាត់ ដើម្បី រក្សា សណ្តាប់ធ្នាប់ សម្រាប់ មនុស្ស តិច តួច ក្នុង ការ សប្បាយ រីក រាយ ដូច្នេះ ទេ។

លោក កឹម សុខា ពេលចាប់ខ្លួន កាលពីថ្ងៃទី៣ ខែកញ្ញា

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ការ សម្លាប់ កម្មករ រោង ចក្រ កាត់ ដេរ៤ នាក់ និង ការ បាញ់ ទៅ លើ មនុស្ស ២៩ នាក់ ទៀត នៅ ក្នុង ការ តវ៉ា មួយ នៅឯ មជ្ឈ មណ្ឌល ឧស្សាហកម្ម កាណាឌីយ៉ា ក្នុង រាជធានី ភ្នំពេញ នៅ ព្រឹក ថ្ងៃ ទី៣ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៤។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ដែល ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ជា ប្រទេស មួយ ដែល មាន ការ បាញ់ សម្លាប់ លោក បណ្ឌិត កែម ឡី អ្នក វិភាគ នយោបាយ ទាំង កណ្តាល ថ្ងៃ កាល ពីឆ្នាំ ២០១៦ ដោយ អតីត ទាហាន ម្នាក់ នៅ ស្ថានីយ ប្រេង ឥន្ធនៈ មួយ កន្លែង នៅ ក្នុង រាជធានី ភ្នំពេញ បន្ទាប់ពី លោក បាន រិះគន់ គណ បក្ស កាន់ អំណាច។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ការ ដែល សមាជិក សភាគណ បក្ស ប្រឆាំង លោក ញ៉យ ចំរើន និង លោក គង់ សភា ត្រូវ បាន អូស ចេញ ពី រថយន្ត យក ទៅ វាយ ទាត់ធាក់ យ៉ាង ដំណំ នៅ ឆ្នាំ ២០១៥ ដោយ សមាជិក បី នាក់ នៃ កង អង្គរ ក្ស របស់ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ហើយ ក្រោយ មក ត្រូវ បាន ដំ ឡើង ឋានៈ ជា បន្ត បន្ទាប់។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ការផ្ទន្ទាទោស ដាក់ ពន្ធនាការ រយៈ ពេល ៣០ខែ ដោយ សាលា ដំបូង រាជធានី ភ្នំពេញ កាល ពីឆ្នាំ មុន លើ អ្នក ស្រី ទេព វន្នី ដែល ជា ម្តាយ និង ជា សកម្មជន ដីធ្លី ដ៏ លេចធ្លោ ម្នាក់ នៅ តំបន់ បឹង កក់ ដែល អង្គ ការលើ កលែងទោសអន្តរជាតិ បាន បញ្ជា ក់ ថា អ្នក ស្រី “មិន បាន ធ្វើ អ្វី សោះ ក្រៅ តែពី បានធ្វើការ តស៊ូ ដោយ សន្តិ វិធី សម្រាប់សហគមន៍ របស់ គាត់”។ នៅ ពេល កំពុង សរសេរ នេះ អ្នក ស្រី បាន ចំណាយ ពេល ជាង៧០០ ថ្ងៃ ទៅ ហើយ នៅ ក្នុង ការឃុំ ខ្លួន តាម តែ អំពើ ចិត្ត។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ចំពោះ ការ ដែល ប្រើ ប្រាស់ វិធី សាស្ត្រ នានា ដើម្បី រម្លាយ គណ បក្ស សង្គ្រោះ ជាតិ ជាការ គំរាម កំហែង ដ៏ ពិត ប្រាកដ ចំពោះ អំណាច ផ្ដាច់ មុខ របស់ ឥស្សរជន ដឹក នាំ បច្ចុប្បន្ន នេះ។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ចំពោះ ការ ដែល ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា កំពុង ក្លាយជា រដ្ឋ យោធា ឯក បក្ស ដោយ មាន ឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ច្រើន ជាង ៨០០ នាក់ ដែល ក្នុង នោះ មាន មន្ត្រី ជាន់ ខ្ពស់ នៃ កងយោធពលខេមរភូ មិន្ទប្រហែល ៣០០ នាក់ ត្រូវ បាន ដំ ឡើង ឋានៈ តែ នៅ ក្នុង ឆ្នាំ នេះ ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា វា មិន គួរ កើត មាន ទាល់តែ សោះ ចំពោះ ការ ដែល ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជាត្រូវ ចំណាយ លះបង់ អាយុ ជីវិតក្នុង ការតស៊ូ ដើម្បី សិទ្ធិ របស់ ពួក គាត់ ហើយ ត្រូវ បាន ទទួល រង នូវ ការ បំភិតបំភ័យ ពី សំណាក់ រដ្ឋ អំណាច នៅ ពេល ដែល ពួក គាត់ត តាំង ដើម្បី ផល ប្រយោជន៍ របស់ ប្រទេស ជាតិ។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃ ចង់ ឃើញ ប្រទេស របស់ ខ្ញុំ ក្លាយជា ប្រទេស មួយ ដែល ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា អាច មាន សេរីភាព ជា មូលដ្ឋាន ដូចជា សិទ្ធិ ក្នុង ការ ជួប ជុំ គ្នា ដោយ សន្តិ វិធី ការ ប្រមូល ផ្តុំ និង ការបញ្ចេញ មតិ ដោយ សេរី។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃ គិត ថា កម្ពុជា ជា កន្លែង ដែល តុលា ការ យុត្តិធម៌ មិន ស្ថិត ក្រោម ការ ត្រួត ត្រា ខាង នយោបាយ និង ត្រូវ បាន ប្រើ ប្រាស់ ដើម្បី ប្រឆាំង អ្នក រិះគន់ របប នេះដូច្នេះឡើយ ។

ជំហាន បន្ទាប់

មណ្ឌលបោះឆ្នោតឃុំត្រពាំងចាន់ ស្រុកបរិបូណ៍ ខេត្តកំពង់ឆ្នាំង

លទ្ធិ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ នៅ កម្ពុជា បាន កំពុង ស្លាប់ យ៉ាង សន្សឹមៗ ទៅ ហើយ។ ក៏ ប៉ុន្តែ ខ្ញុំ ប្រកាន់ យកចក្ខុវិស័យ របស់ ខ្ញុំ អំពី មាតុ ភូមិ របស់ ខ្ញុំ ថា នៅ តែអាច ក្លាយ ទៅ ជា ប្រទេស មួយ ដែល ថ្ងៃ ណាមួយមាន ឆន្ទៈ រៀន សូត្រអំពីកំហុសពី អតីត កាល របស់

ខ្លួន។

ខ្ញុំ ស្រមៃថា តើ កូន ប្រុស របស់ ខ្ញុំ ផ្ទាល់ នឹង ចម្រើន វ័យ ធំ ធាត់ ដើម្បី រស់ នៅ ឆ្លង កាត់ ពិភព លោក បែប នេះ យ៉ាង ដូចម្ដេច ដូចប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ នៅ ក្នុង ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា សព្វ ថ្ងៃ នេះ ដែល ត្រូវ បាន ឡោមព័ទ្ធ ដោយ កង កម្លាំង សន្តិសុខ ប្រដាប់ អាវុធ និង ការ រំលោភ បំពាន មកលើ គាត់ជារៀង រាល់ ថ្ងៃ ពី សំណាក់ អ្នក មាន ទ្រព្យ សម្បត្តិ។ ដូច ពួក គេ ដែរ គាត់ ក៏ នឹង ដឹង ដែរ ថា គាត់ អាចយក អ្វី ដែល គាត់ ចង់ បាន ដោយ មិន ចាំបាច់ គិត ពិចារណា ពី អ្នក ដទៃ ឬ ចំពោះ ផលវិបាក ឡើយ។ ទាយ ទៅ មើល តើ សង្គម បែប នេះ បង្កើត អ្វី ខ្លះ? ផ្ទុយ ទៅ វិញ ខ្ញុំ ចង់ បាន ប្រទេស កម្ពុជា ដែល មេ ដឹក នាំ របស់ ខ្លួន បង្ហាញ ពីភាពរាប ទាប និង

ឆន្ទៈ ក្នុង ការ ទទួល យកការ រិះគន់ ហើយ ចាប់ អារម្មណ៍ ក្នុង ការ ឆ្លើយតប ទៅ នឹង ឆន្ទៈ របស់ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ។

លទ្ធផល នៃ ការ បោះ ឆ្នោត សាកល ដែល នឹង កើត ឡើង នៅ ពេល ខាង មុខនេះ ប្រហែល ជាគេអាចទស្សន៍ទាយ បាន។ ប៉ុន្តែ សន្តិភាព មួយ ដែល មាន យុត្តិធម៌ និង យូរ អង្វែង សម្រាប់ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា ទាំង អស់អាច ធ្វើ ទៅ បាន។ មេ ដឹក នាំ បច្ចុប្បន្ន មាន លទ្ធភាពអាចបង្កើត លក្ខខណ្ឌ ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ហើយ ឆ្លើយតប ទៅ នឹង ក្តី សង្ឃឹម និង ក្តីសុបិន របស់ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ។

ការគាប សង្កត់ លើ អ្នក ដែល មិន យល់ ស្របជា មួយ របៀបវារៈ នយោបាយ បច្ចុប្បន្ន មិន មែន ជា មធ្យោបាយ នាំ មក នូវ សន្តិភាព និង ការអភិវឌ្ឍ ប្រកប ដោយ ចីរភាពទេ។ សម្ដចព្រះ មហា ឃោសនន្ទ ដែល ត្រូវ បាន អ្នក ផង ស្គាល់ ថាជា “ព្រះ ពុទ្ធ នៅ កណ្ដាល សមរ ភូមិ” ធ្លាប់ បាន រំឭក យើង ទាំង អស់ គ្នា ថា “ការឈឺ ចាប់ របស់ កម្ពុជា កាន់ តែ ខ្លាំង ឡើង។ ពីការរង ទុក្ខ នេះ មាន សេចក្តី មេត្តា ករុណា ដ៏ ធំ ធេង។ វា គឺជា ច្បាប់ សាកល ដែល ការតបត ការស្អប់ខ្ពើម និង ការសងសឹក បន្ត នូវ វដ្ត និង មិន ដែល ឈប់ ឡើយ”។

សូម ឱ្យ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា ទាំង អស់ មើល ឃើញ អ្វី ដែល កំពុង កើត ឡើង ពិត ប្រាកដ ចំពោះ ប្រទេស របស់ យើង។ សូម ឱ្យ ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ កម្ពុជា ទាំង អស់ អាច រស់ នៅ រួច ផុតពី ការភ័យ ខ្លាច ពីការ ចង់ បាន និង មាន សេរីភាព ក្នុង ការ រស់ នៅ ប្រកប ដោយ សេចក្តី ថ្លៃ ថ្នូរ។

ពូ សុវចនា

ប្រជា ពលរដ្ឋ សាមញ្ញ ម្នាក់ នៅភ្នំពេញ

Re-Imagining Cambodia Today and Beyond

Decades of internal conflict and brutality in Cambodia culminated in the deaths of some two million people in the late 1970s, and the destruction of its social fabric during the reign of terror wrought by the Khmer Rouge.

Since then, continuing poverty, widespread corruption, systemic injustice, and human rights violations have perpetuated a climate fear and despair. The signing of Paris Peace Agreements (PPA) in 1991 marked both an end and a new beginning: an end to the civil and interstate wars and the Killing Fields and the beginning of an era of national reconciliation, peace building and development. Most importantly, the PPA brought democracy to Cambodia and enabled the first post-conflict national election to be held in May 1993. However, although the Royalist National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC) party, led by Prince Norodom Ranarridh, officially won the election, Hun Sen, who had ruled the country through the 1980s, refused to cede power. A power-sharing arrangement was consequently arranged with both leaders as co-prime ministers.

On Sunday, Cambodians will go to the polls for the sixth time since 1993. The country remains at peace and has enjoyed strong and consistent economic growth, with GDP growth over the last two decades averaging over 7 per cent and ranking it as the sixth fastest growing economy in the world and the top performer in Asean. Nevertheless, the country has failed to deliver tangible benefits to many ordinary citizens. Widespread economic inequality persists throughout the country. Many Cambodians are still struggling for food, shelter, health and education.

The country has also seen a dramatic escalation in intimidation and arbitrary arrests facilitated by a politicised judiciary and a rubber stamp legislature. Cambodian democracy has remained a facade.

The fifth national election in 2013 and the commune elections in 2017 saw large gains by the main opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP). Until this time, Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) had enjoyed a virtual monopoly on power, but this marked a turning point. The leader of the CNRP, Kem Sokha, was subsequently imprisoned and 118 senior party members were forbidden to engage in political activities for five years. The press and civil society across the country came under attack, lawmakers were subjected to violence, and several prominent activists were assassinated. These attacks marked “the death of democracy” according to Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights and “turned the country into a de facto one-party state”. After systematically silencing all critics, even the semblance state of pluralistic democracy no longer exists since the state has consistently failed to protect its own people from major human rights violations. More than ever, it is clear that whatever once existed as Cambodian democracy has crumbled and human security has collapsed. Only the Cambodian people can ultimately determine the long- term viability of the current regime to bring full democracy, lasting peace and prosperity for all.

Today, the country stands at a crossroads. Its future depends on the credibility of Sunday’s election as free and fair. The survival of Cambodian democracy requires more than the government winning a majority in the ballot box. It requires the rule of law, good governance, freedom of speech and independence for the judiciary, the media and academics.

With the signing of the Paris Peace Accords and the elections of 1993, I imagined a free and democratic Cambodia, prospering and at peace with the world and itself. Over the past decade I have been compelled to review that vision.

Re-envisioning Cambodia

I imagine a Cambodia where no one who commits corruption or crime can be untouchable as they have been for the past 33 years. I am afraid that Cambodia is once again becoming politically, economically, and militarily dependent on Beijing (as it did once before from 1975-1979). The past does not have to be repeated.

I imagine a country in which the midnight raid and arrest without warrant or legal process of CNRP leader Kem Sokha would be unthinkable.

I imagine a country that would listen to the voices of the more than three millions people who voted for the CNRP instead of silencing them in order to maintain order for the privileged few to enjoy. I imagine a country in which the killing of four garment workers and the shooting of 29 others in a protest at the Canada Industrial Complex in Phnom Penh on the morning of January 2014 could never have happened.

I imagine a country in which the gunning down in 2016 of political analyst Kem Ley by a former soldier at a gas station in Phnom Penh after he had criticised the ruling party would be unimaginable.

I am deeply saddened by the fact that opposition officials MPs Nhay Chamroeun and Kong Sophea were beaten in 2015 by the three members of Hun Sen’s bodyguard unit who were subsequently promoted.

I am stunned by the 30-month sentence imposed last year by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court on the mother and prominent land activist from Boeung Kak, Tep Vanny, who “has done nothing but peacefully stand up for her community”, according to Amnesty

International. At time of writing, she has spent over 700 days in arbitrary detention. I am disturbed by the way the CNRP, as the only realistic threat to the regime’s monopoly on power, was forcibly dissolved last year.

I am distressed by the way Cambodia is becoming a one-party military state with almost 800 active duty generals and some 300 Royal Cambodian Armed Forces officers being promoted this year alone.

I am appalled by the way that Cambodians are sacrificing their lives in their fight for their rights and are subjected to intimidation by the government whenever they challenge its interests.

I long to see my country become one in which Cambodians can enjoy fundamental freedoms, such as the right to peaceful assembly, association and expression.

I envision a Cambodia where the courts of justice are no longer politically controlled and used against regime critics.

Way forward

Democracy in Cambodia is dying. Yet, I hold onto my vision of my homeland as a country that will one day be willing to learn from past mistakes. I imagine how my own young son would experience the world should he, like today’s elite in Cambodia, be surrounded by armed guards and his every whim indulged by wealthy benefactors. Like them, he too would learn that he could take whatever he desired without consideration for others or for the consequences. What sort of society does this create? Instead, I long for a Cambodia whose leaders show humility, a willingness to accept criticism and an interest in responding to the will of the people.

The results of Sunday’s general election are perhaps predictable. But a just and lasting peace for all Cambodians is possible. The current leadership can create democratic conditions and answer to the hopes and dreams of the people. Oppression of those who disagree with the current political agenda is not the way to bring about sustainable peace and development. Preah Moha Ghosananda, the Supreme Patriarch of Cambodia (1988-2007), also known as “The Buddha of the Battlefield”, reminds us all that “The suffering of Cambodia has been deep. From this suffering comes great compassion. It is a law of the universe that retaliation, hatred and revenge only continue the cycle and never stop.”

May all Cambodians see what really is happening to our country. 

May all Cambodians be able to live free from fear and want and be free to live in dignity.

Published in the Nation on 27 July 2018

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/detail/opinion/30350918

The Troubling Truths in My Broken Homeland

Roadblocks and tight security force on Samdech Sothearos on 16 November 2018. The Supreme Court ruled to dissolve the viable CNRP and banned 118 party officials from politics for 5 years. The National Assembly redistributed the 55 seats of of CNRP to government aligned-parties.

“Vis consilii expers mole ruit sua.” - Horace, Odes, 3, 4, 65

(Force without judgment, collapses under its own weight)

“The history of man’s progress is a chronicle of authority refuted.”- Author Unknown

The Troubling Truths

These personal reflections and difficult realizations are what I found from traveling across the country conducting fieldwork on human security as well as talking, listening and learning from people representing all walks of life who willingly expressed their deep dissatisfaction and grave concerns about the future direction of Cambodian democracy. They represent the voices of change many citizens wish to see in Cambodia as the government’s abuse of its power against its own citizens has created deepening fear, intimidation, harassment, humiliation and both threats and acts of physical violence. Lasting Peace cannot be sustained and secured without justice and the support of all citizens.

Below I have listed some of the most pressing issues that need to be addressed and resolved before true democracy, national reconciliation and lasting peace can be achieved for all. What I am about to express here is may not be new to many, but my intent is to raise these troubling truths in a different light by offering suggestions and possible solutions. This list is not meant as criticism of the present leadership but more as a suggestion of areas to study and on which to focus change to make Cambodia a nation of prosperity for ALL with lasting peace and equal opportunity.

1. It is not possible for me to understand everything that happens here; some things will never make sense. I have learned to accept this as an unfortunate and ugly reality of life. My homeland and the people are torn apart by some members of government that are ineffectual for the majority of average citizens, especially in remote areas. A good number of high ranking and elected officials have recast their position from public servant to master of the people. It is important that these public servants subsume personal and/or party interests in favor of actions that serve the majority of the people.

2. While the country is at peace and enjoys strong and consistent economic growth (an average growth rate of more than 7% for two decades and ranking the sixth fastest growing country in the world along with commendable poverty reduction of 13.5% in 2014 compared to 47.8% in 2007 according to the World Bank), it has failed to deliver tangible benefits to ordinary citizens. There is deeply embedded inequality across the country. Going forward, it is important to create an economy that is more inclusive and equitable.

3. The wealth gap of the nation is widening rapidly. Daily I witness the enormous disparity between the "haves" and the "have-nots". The basic needs and fundamental rights of the most vulnerable are not addressed in an adequate manner (i.e. education, health care, food, shelter, and a living wage). Many citizens have experienced the systematic disadvantages of the social, economic, and political structure of the present regime (structural violence). It is important that everyone sees for themselves that they are benefitting from this strong economic growth as welll and only the ruling members. As Nelson Mandela said, “Peace is not just the absence of conflict; peace is the creation of an environment where all can flourish, regardless of race, color, creed, religion, gender, class, caste, or any other social markers of difference”.

4. My country has suffered with ineffective lawmakers and elected or appointed officials, at almost all levels, who don’t put the interests of the people and the country first and foremost. They place their own welfare and personal benefits at the forefront. Top policy makers are divided and they cannot put their differences aside to work together for the common interest of the nation. Deep fear, social suspicion and distrust have become the norm in the Cambodian political culture and society. My country should embrace governance by law instead of governance by powerful and greedy leaders. The hallmark of a effective and responsive government is that it adheres to the rule of law, features transparency, and is accountable for its actions or failure to bring necessary development.

5. Many of us have forgotten the value of ethical and moral behavior. Whether I am at an intersection where many drivers ignore the signals or teaching at a university that has students blatantly cheating, I witness this behavior daily. It is a sad disregard for laws and rules as well as common decency that reflect the most basic teachings of the Buddha. When the people do not choose to respect the rule of law, how can one expect those in position of power to embrace it? Cambodia is the worst in the region for rule of law - ranked 112 out of 113 countries surveyed according to the annual Rule of Law index in 2016.

6. The current government has failed to improve civil and political rights as well as equal access to employment opportunities, to quality health care and education. It is important to understand that in any nation, the government is the main protector and guarantor of civil and political rights. The culture of patronage, nepotism, favoritism, and familial politics that permeates almost all the institutions in the country, do not allow an environment where true democracy can flourish. Again, our leaders need to focus on creating this environment.

7. There is an increasingly large number of landless people. Expropriation of land is real, alive and widespread among greedy and powerful political and economic elites, often in partnership with foreign interests as many reports and studies show. Land is life and offers economic and personal security for the people. The beneficiaries of these land appropriations appear to be well-connected officials and owners of agro-businesses, as there is no transparency to track financial profits especially to the villages affected. At one of the public forums in Phnom Penh on land issues, one participant disclosed, “All this development is destroying our lives”.

8. Poverty is rampant over the world, but there is nothing like being poor in Cambodia. It is very fashionable to talk about the poor so that top leaders can get more foreign aid. Unfortunately it is not fashionable to talk with the poor to find out the reality of their real suffering. The environment that most Cambodians are living in now is hurting the next generation. We have lost many, many traditional values and cultural markers (for example honesty, mutual trust,…).

9. Doing what one has to do to survive can result in devastation to one’s identity and self-esteem. Life is simply not fair for the majority of Cambodians. For those just getting by this might entail selling a daughter into slavery or having to sell the family land out of desperation. For those fortunate enough to be placed in high positions, this can mean being forced into unethical actions without question. And, for the vast majority, it translates to going about one’s daily business without asking questions, voting out of fear for one’s personal safety rather than the good of the nation, or simply focusing on making more money and then happily spending it.

10. There exists an absence of policy development where inclusive consultations are held, multiple voices are heard and active debates take place. At many administrative levels there is a lack of transparency, rule of law, justice and respect for human rights. Public trust in the current government is scarce. To gain trust, the government must develop a genuine feedback mechanism that accepts and empowers constructive criticism especially in evaluating whether the implementation of reforms succeeds or fails. Freedom to debate critical issues and to express convictions without fear and intimidation must be encouraged at all levels.

11. There are many unresolved injustices in Cambodia. Social justice is in the hands of the powerful and benefits mostly the rich and well-connected elite. With the current leadership, I have learned to expect the unexpected with regard to bending rules and the truth and amending laws to remain in power at all costs. I have so many socio-political constraints to voice my opinions and constructive concerns without being portrayed as a radical dissident. Political life for those who dissent is extremely difficult because it has become a norm that all rules are applied and interpreted in a way that brings the most benefits to those in power and keeps critical voices as silent as possible. To agree with (or keep quiet about) every government decision is considered good citizenship, whereas to speak out, even for valid violations, is to risk being considered an enemy of the state and be put on a list of undesirables and troublemakers to be intimidated or ostracized informally.

12. Liberty and dignity belong to all, not only to the few that are powerful and wealthy and well-connected. Many people are still not free from fear, not free from want, and not free to live in dignity. Disparities between the rich and the poor, the powerful and the weak exist across the country. Social conditions such as economic inequality, social injustice, and lack of rule of law continue to fester in marginalized communities. In general, most Cambodians want to be rid of the corruption, rid of the hypocrisy and rid of the lip service paid by authorities to right the wrongs and apply the law for all.

13. Money politics and corruption rule the country, which is ingrained with political patronage. Powerful people are rarely wrong while vulnerable people are seldom right. The current administration has brought the country onto the verge of darkness with many people stuck in economic distress, indebtedness, and land insecurity. The current government has failed to reduce the substantial inequality between the rich and the poor, the powerful and the vulnerable, the strong and the weak.

14. Mistrust, conspiracy, suspicion, and doubt are embedded in the hearts and minds of political leaders. Often the official version of the truth is spoken only through the government blaming political enemies or external factors for their own failures. The top leaders are motivated by misguided values. They have failed to see things as they exist for the common rural citizens. They only see things as they are in order to remain in power with the ability to earn great wealth. Power, control, status, and wealth come first before the people’s well beings and livelihoods.

15. Justice exists only in words not deeds by the current government. The judicial system in Cambodia is a politicized cobweb which efficiently catches the small flies – political dissents, activists, and the poor but let the big flies - the rich and powerful elites – break through. After the savage beating of the two opposition CNRP lawmakers Kung Sophea and Nhay Chamroeun outside the National Assembly on October 2015, the three members of the bodyguard unit of Prime Minister Hun Sen who were found guilty of the assault were promoted to higher ranks instantly after their release from prison, serving only one year of a four-year prison sentence. This type of reward shocked me and many others.

16. The ruling party can do whatever they want, whenever they want. The ruling party and the main opposition party do not trust each other enough to produce constructive solutions for the most burning issues in this country. The culture of mistrust, self-serving actions, ‘divide and rule’, ‘have it all’, and zero-sum games must be eliminated. The authorities often use courts, extreme violence, intimidation, and political persecution to discipline the populace and to promote a culture of obedience. The “Win-Win Policy” of the government has been used exclusively by the ruling party to consolidate power and to destroy the opposition. One Cambodian woman described good governance as: “A good government is a government that does not abuse the people, that gives the people the land back, and that allows people to earn a living”.

17. Inadequate salaries have partly fueled a system of informal fees and bribes collected by almost everyone – police officers, military officers, judges, health practitioners, customs officers, teachers, and government officials at all levels. Providing employees a fair living wage will reduce the need for bribes and lawlessness. Many intellectuals and opposition politicians, in less pleasing terms, are willing to sell and trade their own principles for the enticement of titles, status, wealth, and power. Only the well connected individuals through Ksae (string) and Khnorng (backing) have benefited the most from stability and economic growth.

18. Speaking the truth to those in power can be viewed as a revolutionary act. Life can be risky or short for those who dare to critique the current regime openly and directly. The country has become unsafe; it is all too often a place where people fear speaking in public about critical political issues. Accepting the truth and welcoming new ideas for improvement without rigid reactions and vindictive retaliation reveal strength of top leaders, not weakness.

19. The current government has failed its people and appears to govern predominantly for the benefit of a close network of friends, associates and family with the aim of consolidating power, controlling and enriching the network. They do not see and feel what the majority of the people want and need. There is insufficient thought of delivering justice and providing equal treatment and opportunities for all. The government should promote and favor the diffusion, rather than the concentration of power and wealth to create a society of more equals. Cambodia has become a failed state – not a democracy – because there is no fair application of the law and a lack of enforcement. The lawmakers and the policy makers at the very highest level violate the laws with impunity and incessantly abuse the constitution.

20. The country cries for justice and reforms that include upholding democracy, better governance, rule of law, as well as respecting and protecting human rights (The Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia, article 31). Despite significant progress, the government has failed to carry effective political and judicial reforms to improve human rights. The ruling party continues to assail opposition parties, civil society and media, and restricts freedom of expression, individual and political rights and peaceful assembly and association (The Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia, article 41). True democracy struggles to work under the present administration.

21. Good cannot come from force and fear. Killing, imprisoning and filing punishing lawsuits against prominent political critics have suppressed dissent and created deeply rooted mistrust and made the government less and less credible. As Venerable Fa Thai said, “When your own home is healthy and happy, others will come to you. It’s like being a good cook, a good teacher, or a good leader. If you are good, you never have to force your food, force your lessons, or force your directions, on others”.

22. One of the diplomats in Cambodia was absolutely right when he stated: “Be careful because Cambodia is the most dangerous country you will ever visit. You will fall in love with it and eventually it will break your heart”. The cold blooded murder in broad daylight of the well-respected government critic Kem Ley on 10 July 2016, the gunning down of the environmental activist Chut Vuthy on 26 April 2012, the assassination of the union activist Chea Vichea on 22 January 2004, and other innocent victims who dare to speak out against excessive nepotism, corruption, social injustice, and the rapid escalation of illegal logging and land grabbings broke my heart and the hearts of many Cambodians as well as those in the international community. In my broken homeland, freedom is not free, truth must be fought for and justice must be demanded.

23. The separation of powers and independence of the legislative and judiciary branches is the key to provide checks and balances and prevent the executive power from becoming supreme. The government has relied heavily on the judicial system and violent mobs to weaken and to destroy the opposition. Terms like “culture of dialogue”, “dialogue of peace” or “constructive dialogue” are invoked when those in power break agreements and want to shift the blame to others; a pact made between the mouse and the cat is rarely binding when the cat grows hungry or upset and pushes for party supremacy. Only when reason prevails on both sides can a meaningful solution be found.

24. Cambodian democracy is in crisis with the exile of the country’s opposition leader, Sam Rainsy and blatant arrest of another, President Kem Sokha, in a midnight raid on 3 September 2017 at his house over accusations of inciting social instability and on charges for treason for conspiring with the United States and fomenting ‘a color revolution’. Furthermore the dissolution of the main opposition party stemmed from a complaint by the Ministry of Interior of colluding to topple the government and the banning of 118 senior individuals from conducting political activities for 5 years by the Supreme Court on 16 November 2017 have worsened the political situation and undermined the protection of human rights and Cambodia’s liberal multi-party democracy as enshrined in the Constitution in article 51 on Political Regime. The government has used lawfare (namely the Law on Associations and Non-Governmental Organizations or LANGO in 2015 and the enactment of controversial amendments to the Law on Political Parties in 2017 which empowers courts to dissolve any political party for ‘jeopardizing the security of the state’ and ‘provoking incitement’ and to allow for the distribution of the CRNP seats in the National Assembly and commune councils), the power to tax, threats and force as means and weapons to bring down the opposition and to silence all forms of dissent before the upcoming election. By completely destroying the only viable opposition party, more than three million people who voted for the CNRP in the Communal elections in June 2017 have been effectively silenced in the name of maintaining peace, stability and social order. Many democracy proponents are living in fear and total darkness with regard to even exercising their freedom of expression and their rights to speak up against social injustice, inequality, and oppression. In Cambodia, it is dangerous to be right when the government is wrong. This systematic repression reminds me of the Khmer Rouge ideology during my country’s darkest past which top leaders used against its own people under the adage “To destroy you is no loss, to preserve you is no gain”. This extreme Maoist regime led to the death of an estimated 1.75 to 2 million Cambodians and left the country devastated.

25. The government needs to embrace a constructive and cooperative resolution to the issues currently confronting Cambodia by discarding the use of threats as a means by which to deal with political dissents and adopt a more peaceful and tolerant approach. Ensuring social order through peaceful means is in the best interest of all people and all political parties. In a truly democratic society, the authorities cannot ignore the demands of the citizens because the true power of democracy rests with the people. Political reconciliation norms through open and critical dialogue, consultation, compromise, and a genuinely democratic legislature all are keys to resolve this latest tension. The alternative is untenable. Using the typical Khmer strategy “When the water rises, the fish eat the ant; when the water recedes, the ant eat fish” to eliminate the opponent in this political environment benefits no one and reflects a severe distrust among the people. No real victory prevails for any party. Once again, the country is facing its worst political crisis since its return to democracy 25 years ago. The unraveling of democaric norms calls for treating the opponents as rivals rather than as enemies and condemning all forms of violence and bigotry.

26. In geopolitical terms, our top leader is banking deeply on China as “the most trustworthy friend” of Cambodia (from describing China as “the root of everything that is evil” in 1988) and as Cambodia’s largest foreign donor and provider of loans in order to consolidate his power. Total investment from Beijing in the country topped $11.2 billion in 2016. The international community, mainly the Western liberal democracies and their allies, have all raised grave concerns about the dismantling of the main opposition political party and the US and the EU ended their financial support to the National Election Committee over the most severe crackdown on opposition politicians ahead of the general election in July 2018. Conversely, China has stuck closely by Cambodia’s side and continues to support the present regime openly to protect political stability, maintain national security, and attempt to strengthen economic development. Beijing is also helping by donating cars, motorbikes, computers, printers, ballot boxes and voting booths for Cambodia's 2018 election. Lessons from the past have revealed that putting all the eggs inside a Chinese-shaped basket will not improve human rights, good governance, social justice, or economic inequality. It is vital for the present leadership not to turn Cambodia into a diplomatic and developmental playground where uncontrolled Chinese developments with close ties to the incumbent party leadership flourish at the expense of the well being and rights of the local populace. Given this exclusive relationship between Cambodia and China, Chinese investors have better access to business opportunities, can undermine competition and could sway economic prospects toward their own projects by having this special relation to political and military elites. Many visible projects such as construction of government buildings and stadiums were approved by political elites with little to no consultation with the public sector. It is clear that China’s influence is back, big time. The Cambodian government has now buried the past and has embraced China firmly. While China provides ‘unconditional’ economic and political support to the present government with no questions asked, Cambodia, in exchange, advocates Chinese international goals and interests in ASEAN, including its claims to disputed territory in the South China Sea. As a small and weak country, Cambodia would be better off politically, militarily, strategically, economically and socially to avoid self imposed isolation from the Western powers. As a small and weak country, Cambodia would be better off politically, militarily, economically and socially to avoid self imposed isolation from the Western powers and build friendships and partnerships with all countries.

27. Life can be challenging to those who are marginalized and powerless, but in this darkness I see hope and light. These forgotten people are strong, resilient, and adaptive to navigate difficult circumstances and make do with little - from street vendors to hair cutters on a sidewalk to fixing a bike with a screwdriver and some string to creating a business with minimal investment. They accept the challenges and continue to persevere against all odds. Most of them live in abject poverty but they want a school, a caring and uncorrupted teacher in the classroom, and a better future for their children. They understand education is the answer to fighting poverty.

28. I believe all of us can make a difference for the present and future generation not only to pursue material abundance but more importantly to nurture the dignity and values of each individual, and live according to the teaching of the Buddha by “abstaining from all unwholesome deeds or do not engage in any harmful actions; always perform only wholesome ones those that are good, subdue and purify your own mind”. The Buddha advocated leadership by example and taught the leaders of the Sangha to have sufficient virtue, meditation experience, and wisdom before allowing them to be preceptors and teachers. There is an immense need for character building for individual and national healing in Cambodia. Real peace can only be sustained through being and not having.

29. Life is more about giving than receiving. My heart doesn’t feel right unless I know that all children can get a good quality education. If I don’t have the strong will and ability to change this society, it will change me. I have learned to swim against the current and not to be discouraged by failure. I can never be certain of a final outcome. I can only be sure of my tireless effort. I cannot erase all the dark sides of the current government, but I can change the way I deal with it, I can rise above it and stay strong and true to myself. It is better for me to suffer for doing good than doing evil. I try to influence those with whom I come into contact, but the machinery of corruption is pervasive and vast. Cambodia is among the most corrupted countries in Southeast Asia – ranked 161 out of the 180 countries in the world listed on Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index 2017. The culture of patronage by the powerful elites and grabbing land seemingly continues unabated. Most Cambodians are lacking either in knowledge or confidence in working together to improve society as a whole. Participation and solidarity, two important social values, have been lost in the past decades.

30. Cambodia is a country weary of hopeless existence where the unthinkable becomes possible, the immoral becomes acceptable and the insane becomes normal. The vast majority of people accept corruption as part of their daily life. “Small man gets small bribe while big man gets big bribe” has become a popular Khmer saying. The “Money Is Everything” doctrine can be seen and felt everywhere. Corruption affects everyone, whether it’s paying a policeman at the stoplight, or giving money to the teacher in the classroom, or paying an informal fee for filling a report to the government official, or bribing a medical practitioner to get better health care. Corruption also erodes trust, confidence and faith that the people in the government. It is time for the authorities to eliminate all forms of corruption and lawlessness to prosper from top to bottom.

31. ‘The powerful leaders in this country can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but they cannot fool all the people all the time’ (to paraphrase Abraham Lincoln). The Cambodian people are better informed and fully aware of the current political situation. Most of them want change. ONE VOTE CAN HELP CHANGE CAMBODIA’s FUTURE. Conduct the research on the candidates, go out and vote, and make your voice heard to improve the future of the country.

32. Finally, if ALL the Cambodian children are provided with the same opportunity and the equal right to primary health care, good nutrition, quality basic education, access to safe drinking water and sanitation, and protection from neglect, abuse and violence, ten years down the road, our society will be able to veer away from the direction it is heading today. When all Cambodians have good education, they can think and make good rational decision based on morality, facts, national interest, and patriotism instead of self-interest, political party interest, and nepotism, then they become more aware of the situation, begin asking questions, have debates, offer dialogues, seek answers, find common solutions and act conscientiously.

More than ever, the Cambodian people desperately need unity and virtuous politicians to bring political transformation, social change, lasting peace, stability, and prosperity for ALL.

មាតុភូមិ​ដែល​បែកបាក់​របស់​ខ្ញុំ (Cambodia My Broken Homeland)

Another Cambodian voice gets silenced

A reflection of another Cambodian voice gets silenced

The cold blooded murder in broad daylight of Kem Ley on July 10, 2016, broke my heart and the hearts of many Cambodians from all walks of life as well as those from the international community. I cannot help but to reflect on the repeated failure of our most trusted institutions to protect our own people.

Must life be short for those who dare to critique the current regime? It seems Cambodia has become a country where people cannot talk openly about equal justice, nepotism, corruption, deforestation, international involvement in illegal logging, the loss of border territory and the accumulated wealth of elected officials.

Cambodia does not adhere to the ideals of its constitution when extreme power overrides the rule of law. With these assassinations and lack of impartial investigations, the people have lost faith in their cherished institutions.

While the country is in mourning over the loss of another prominent political critic, repeatedly the political leaders in Cambodia have failed to understand the depth of the people’s resentment towards a system where well-connected individuals get richer and evade justice.

They have failed to see what people see – a country where the less fortunate are going through an existential crisis. They have failed to feel what people feel – the labour of finding food and the fear of holding onto their lands.

They have failed to do what the majority of the people want them to do, which is to serve the people by delivering justice and equal opportunity for all Cambodians. Lastly they have failed to heed one of the fundamental teachings of Buddha: “Hurt not others in ways that they themselves would find hurtful” (Udana-Varga 5:18).

Even though top government officials condemn the savage killing and reject the claim that this is another political act to silence the opposition and spread fear, the national and international communities at large have lost faith in the investigating authorities to find those responsible.

It has been revealed that Choub Salab (meaning Meet Kill), the assassin, lived in desperate poverty, so it defies belief that he could lend $3,000 to anyone. Furthermore, the fact that he never mentioned this loan to his wife leads us to doubt its veracity as well.

Most Cambodians as well as the international communities believe that Kem Ley’s assassination was politically motivated and the chain of command of the killing should be fully and independently investigated in line with international standards.

There is no real peace without real justice. Those in power must stop using violence, intimidation and oppression to discipline the populace to produce quiet obedience and stability. A relationship between the state and its people that emanates from coercion, repression and domination won’t produce enduring peace and nor long-term stability.

Today, Cambodia cries for justice and the right to free speech. These appeals are made for the soul of Kem Ley and other brave, outspoken heroes of the Kingdom, including union leader Chea Vichea (2004), and environmental activist Mr Chut Vuthy (2012) – May you all rest in peace.

Note that this reflection was in The Phnom Penh Post on 18 July 2016